Suicide Attack at Graduation Ceremony

On Thursday December 3, 2009, a massive bomb blast went off in a crowded Mogadishu hotel where hundreds had gathered to watch a graduation ceremony for medical students. These were not your typical college students, they were extraordinary young people who dodged bullets and risked their lives every day to go to university for the past few years in hopes of becoming doctors- one of the most desperately needed professions in Somalia today. And on the day that undoubtedly started off with joy and celebration, a 'national disaster' (in the words of President Sheikh Sharif) occurred. A suicide bomber entered the hotel and detonated a devastating bomb. 22 people died and 60 were injured in this callous attack. 3 cabinet level ministers who had come to honor the graduates were among the dead.

This tragedy must serve as a wake up call. The nation has dealt with suicide bombings in the past, but this one is particularly tragic. It is a tragedy because it reveals the utter pointlessness of where the conflict has gone. Whoever is behind this attack somehow found it in their interest to attack an institution of hope. They saw benefit in killing innocent people who had gathered to celebrate a bright future for Somali students and for the nation. They found it justifiable to kill students who aspired to help heal their fellow countrymen and women. Such violent distorted logic must be understood and confronted.

Somalis need to rally in opposition to this attack and turn this into an opportunity to change direction, reject violence and begin reconciliation.

State Building in Somalia

Since 9/11, US foreign policy has increasingly focused on international terrorism, and Somalia has been impacted by this shift because of allegations of "terrorists" hiding in the country, and the fear that any failed state has the potential to turn into a terrorist safe-haven. US government officials have even called the Horn of Africa a "front line in the war on terror."

The US has largely followed a strategy of state-building as its major tactic in counter-terrorism in Somalia. Consequently, it supported the 2006 Ethiopian occupation to overthrow the Union of Islamic Courts and install Abdullahi Yusuf's Transitional Federal Government. This was a major policy mistake, and has resulted in political developments that move counter to US objectives: Social and economic collapse, humanitarian crisis, growth in piracy and extremism and the creation and growing strength of al-Shabab. Nevertheless, it was a sincere effort to put in place a more 'amenable' government from the perspective of Western governments.

Dangers

State-building attempts in Somalia have been a failure. Policy makers clearly did not understand the extremely fragile nature of the process and the dangers that can result if it's not done carefully. There are several theoretical frameworks that describe the violence inherent in state formation, but lessons from Somali history alone could have provided evidence enough of the precariousness of such an endeavor. Since European colonization's divide and rule tactics, Somalis have perceived control of central government as a zero-sum game. Thus any attempt to establish a central authority will place rival groups at odds, and lead to conflict. If an outside military force is brought in to prop up a government, without fail, Somalis put aside their differences and fight the occupying force with a (usually) unexpected ferocity.

Another danger in state-buildling is the narrow western definition of a state tha is often forced on developing countries, including Somalia. This influenced the perception that the TFG, as a western secular model, was more legitimate than the UIC, a Somali-style Islamic model, regardless of the popularity and success that the UIC had in the country. Western countries including the US put pressure on developing nations to modernize, liberalize and create western-style Westphalian governments. It is important to note, however, that European states had over four centuries to create their modern state structures, and it is unreasonable to expect developing countries to successfully adopt heir styles of government in a short period of time, and more importantly, in such a different socio-cultural context. It is further questionable why such models out to be imported, displacing traditional models, and whether such importation leads to greater upheaval. This foreign pressure on Somalia has eased in recent years, for example the acceptance of Sheikh Sharif's Islamic-based government. But here is still the gap between the governments recognized as legitimate within Somalia, verses those recognized internationally.

A Vision for Building a Somali State

Nevertheless, the only way of bringing stability to Somalia and countering criminal forces within the country is through the creation of a stable government. Establishing that government must be a Somali-led effort, and the US and international community can support this effort by engaging diplomatically, not militarily. Further there must be a more historic, cultural and linguistic expertise among policymakers determining how the state building process should look like. Understanding the xeer for example, a customary code that organized nomadic Somali communities for centuries, can help in envisioning a Somalicized governance structure.

On a positive note, Somalia was the first post-independence African nation to have a successful democratic transition of power when in 1967 the government of Aden Abdulle Osman voluntarily passed power after free and fair elections onto the government of Abdirashid Ali Shermarke. Although this historical fact demonstrates the success of a democratic government, since then the leaders have represented narrow clan interests and this has solidified clan distrust and enmity. 

Most importantly, the popular will of the Somali people is critical to any successful government. John Stuart Mill wrote "The people for whom the form of government is intended must be willing to accept it; or at least not so unwilling as to oppose an insurmountable obstacle to its establishment." The voise of the people is critical in state formation and history has show that Somalis clearly refuse to allow their voices to be ignored. The attempts at government in the past few years have failed because the population did not buy into the regimes, although the ICU had the most buy-in of any recent regime. The Somali people will support a leader who has a positive impact on their lives- whether by bringing security, providing jobs or developing local economies. Making tangible progress in livelihoods is the surest way for a leader to earn support enough to lead such a scarred and fragmented country.

Empathy: A lesson from McNamara

I recently watched 'The Fog of War', a documentary in which former Secretary of Defense Robert McNamara shares candidly his recollections and personal thoughts on episodes in his life. I truly believe an understanding and application of his lessons would greatly improve US policy towards Somalia and around the world, and would decrease the incidence of war.

Most people associate McNamara with the atrocities of the Vietnam war, and cold-calculations that led to the deaths of tens of thousands of American soldiers and millions of Vietnamese. In his life McNamara was also an associate professor at Harvard, president of Ford Motor company, and president of the World Bank.

In the film McNamara offers several lessons that he learned in his years, and one was particularly striking to me.

Lesson 1: "Empathize with your enemies"

This is a very valuable lesson but unfortunately many policy makers are not sufficiently empathetic to their enemies. To be sure, empathy is not sympathy. To empathize with an opponent is to step into their shoes and try to see the world as they see it. Empathizing is valuable because it allows you to understand your opponent, the way they see the world or a particular conflict, and the way they rationalize decisions.

During the Cuban Missile crisis, McNamara said one of the reasons the crisis was averted was because Llewellyn Johnson, one of JFK's advisers, had lived in Russia and knew the culture and people relatively well. When JFK received the infamous two letters from Khrushchev, Johnson encouraged the President to ignore the public (more angry) letter, and only respond to the private letter. This was the right move.

McNamara admitted that no one in LBJ's circle had experience or knowledge of Vietnamese culture or a strong sense of the history. They were unable to empathize or understand Vietnamese motivations and strategies during the war. Consequently, the US's overtures to reach a treaty with the Vietcong were often ignored, to the bewilderment of the government. Vietnamese officials later stated that they could not go to a negotiating table with the US while bombs fell regularly on their villages and the US was engaging in "genocide" against its people. The continued bombing suggested to the Vietnamese that the US wanted to completely destroy the North and all opposition, and dominate the land the way the Chinese and French had tried to do historically. It wouldn't take a tremendous amount of empathy to realize that this would be the perception on the Vietnamese side, and the US could have taken tangible steps to quell that perception and move towards an agreement.

Applying this lesson to Somalia

Empathy is needed today just as much as ever. Bush's 'global war on terror' desperately lacked empathy, as it lumped together as "terrorists" diverse groups of people with very different motivations and conflicts.  In the case of Somalia, their is so little understanding of the country by actors around the world that the policies towards the country are often misguided and more harmful than beneficial.

Take for example what I consider to be one of the worst policy decisions by the Bush administration- the support for the Ethiopian occupation that forced out the Islamic Courts Union. There was such an utter lack of empathy on the part of those who made the decision. They made exaggerated (and largely un-proven) claims about the ICU's connections to al-Qaeda and the danger the government posed to the region. It was a policy that considered all Islamist governments to be the same, regardless of where they are located and how they came to power.

The US ignored the popularity of the ICU, their success at establishing stability in a war-torn country and their moderate approach. Instead the US supported the ouster of the ICU, and this directly lead to the Ethiopian occupation, the rise of the radicalized al-Shabab insurgency, and the subsequent abyss that Somalia is in today. The US realized this 'mistake' by the time Obama came to office, and is now trying desperately to reinstall the former head of the ICU- Sheikh Sharif- into power. The entire situation and context in Somalia has drastically changed, so no one should expect Sheikh Sharif to re-create what the ICU was able to do a few years ago.

The failure to empathize- to really understand the perspective and motivations of the ICU when it first came to power- led the US to make one of the worst foreign policy blunders ever. A blunder that has resulted in dire consequences for Somalia today, and can lead to instability around the globe if the conflict is not resolved soon. Hopefully the US will learn from this mistake- learn from McNamara's first lesson- and be sure to really know its opponent before subscribing value judgements that can turn out to be false. When its war, peace and human lives we are dealing with, policy makers cannot afford to make mistakes.

Asha Hagi Elmi on Somalia

Once in a while I encounter a person whose strength and passion for a cause inspires me. This happened recently when I attended a talk by Asha Hagi Elmi, a woman I believe every African, every Muslim and every Woman should know about.

Asha Hagi Elmi is an international peace activists who focuses primarily on her homeland Somalia. She is a member of parliament and was a key player in the push to promote women's representation in the Somali government. Her efforts have earned her several awards, including the Clinton Global Citizenship award and a nomination for the Nobel Peace Prize.

Asha founded the Sixth Clan, an organization of Somali women who seek to break through the patriarchal structure of the Somali traditional clan system, and current government. The Sixth Clan successfully pushed through a quota system for womens representation in Somalia's parliament. The quota started out at 25 women- which at such a time when no women were in parliament, was thought an ambitious goal. Today, there are 33 women in Somalia's parliament, and 3 female cabinet-level ministeres. This progress was made possible by the hard work and restless dedication of Asha Hagi and the women in her organization.

Asha stated at the talk that her group "gives voice to the voiceless". She was able to do this because of her determination and drive. She could be told no a hundred times over, but that never stopped Asha and her group from pushing their cause forward.

What I particularly enjoyed about Asha's talk was how she didn't focus too narrowly on the plight of women in Somalia, even though women's issues are especially popular among western audiences. Asha successfully described the conditions in Somalia today as being disastrous for men, women, boys, girls, the old and the young. All Somalis face a humanitarian disaster and require emergency assistance.

She called Somalia today a case of "neglected humanity". The world stands by as the Somali people suffer largely in silence. Their stories are going untold. The only popular news coming out of Somalia involves terrorism and piracy, while little attention is given to starvation, famine and poverty.

Asha made the astute link between the lack of opportunities of Somali youth and the desire to become pirates or insurgents. She stated "If a mother cannot feed with one meal her seven sons, she has no control over them." These boys go out to find their own food, their own livelihood. And consequently, are drawn into piracy and insurgent activity as a means of living. This is the tragedy Somali youth face.

Looking forward, Asha emphasizes education and economic empowerment as mechanisms to move Somalia forward. These are wise strategies because they do not necessarily require a functioning central government, and so can be carried out at any point. The problem with many strategies for Somalia is that they often require a functioning central government, and suddenly, the focus becomes one of state-building rather than peace-building.

Asha is an inspiration to me and many others. Her work is valuable, but she is getting older. There is a need for a new generation of Somali women to take the lead and continue the good work Asha has begun.

Op-ed on Obama and Somalia policy

This is an op-ed I wrote a few months ago. Its still relevant today, unfortunately, because not much progress has been made in Somalia.


Cleaning the Slate for a New Somalia Policy

The US recently threw its support behind Somalia’s newly appointed president Sheikh Sharif Sheikh Ahmed, the former chairman of the Islamic Courts Union. Yes, the same Islamic Courts Union that the US-backed Ethiopian army toppled two years ago. What’s with the change of heart?

The Obama administration appears to be making the desperately needed changes to US-Somalia policy, a policy that has been disastrous for both Somalia’s stability and US objectives. Human Rights Watch recently blamed the US-backed Ethiopian occupation and the subsequent insurgency for causing the humanitarian catastrophe that Somalia now faces. The report criticized the Bush administration’s policies for “breeding the very extremism that it is supposed to defeat”. The report went on to say “The new administration of US President Barack Obama should urgently review U.S. policy in Somalia and the broader Horn of Africa and break with the failed approach of his predecessor.”

What are the failed policies that HRW is criticizing? Primarily the support of Ethiopia’s two year long occupation of Somalia. It’s hard to believe the US and Ethiopia thought it possible to impose an unpopular government on the Somali people. Nevertheless, the Bush administration did just that by supporting the installation of the Transitional Federal Government of Abdullahi Yusuf. Because his government was brought in by foreign forces, it fell apart as the Ethiopian army withdrew.

The Bush administration also appeared to follow a policy of state building as a tactic in counter-terrorism in Somalia, a disastrous policy for many reasons. US policy was working off the assumption that failed states are potential safe havens for terrorists, hence the need for state building in Somalia. State building is important to help stabilize the country, but it must be a Somali-led enterprise, and any US engagement should be diplomatic rather than military. Robert Pape’s research revealed suicide terrorism is most common in response to perceptions of foreign occupation. This reveals the potential for military occupations to antagonize and radicalize populations, as it did in Iraq and Somalia.

Establishing a stable, successful government is no easy task for President Sheikh Sharif. Divisive clan-based politics, beginning in the colonial era, has resulted in Somalis being extremely wary of having a leader other than one of their own clan members, for fear of being marginalized or persecuted. Sheikh Sharif will have to work hard towards creating unity and garnering trust from the population.

Sheikh Sharif also faces opposition from multiple factions vying for power within the country, and one particularly troublesome group is the radical group Al-Shabab, a militia which grew strength fighting Ethiopian troops for the past two years. Sheikh Sharif has already been in contact with Al-Shabab leadership, trying to gain their support and avoid unnecessary conflict. The best way for him to alienate extremists and create a stable government is to bridge the divisions among Somali clans, businessmen, civil society and religious leaders. There must be a mechanism for reconciliation and power sharing among the different clan leaders as well as other political groups, and the US can play a role in facilitating such reconciliation.

There is much hope among Americans and Somalis that the Obama administration will have a more intelligent Africa policy in the coming years, one which recognizes the mistakes of the Bush administration so that the failed policies are not repeated. The support of Sheikh Sharif is a positive step, and now we must wait and see if the Obama administration cleans its slate of failed policies, or goes back to the failed policies of the previous administration.

another poem

I've started looking online for more poetry about Somalia and/or conflict. I found an amazing poem by Francis Duggan, an Australian writer, on http://somalipoets.blogspot.com/
This poem really puts our lives into perspective. We might not be as rich as the 'Mr. Big' referenced in the poem, but we know that we can give more to those suffering daily in Somalia and around the world.


Out there on the plains of Somalia a young woman on the ground lay
Her three babies have died of the hunger and death from her not far away
For weeks on end she has been starving in a land for years ravaged by drought
And Mr Big in his ferrari with his wife is driving about.

Out there on the plains of Somalia the sun baked earth is cracked and dry
And it hasn't rained for six months there and sun blazing in the blue sky
And poor woman dying of starvation lay huddled listless on the ground
And flies who smell death in their millions above her keep buzzing around

And Mr big and his wife in a posh restaurant with their wealthy mates are out to dine
One hundred dollars a plate for dinner and two hundred for a bottle of wine
Whilst out on the plains of Somalia the vultures circle in the sky
The smell of death is in their nostrils as they wait for a woman to die.

Out there on the plains of Somalia the river bed dry as a bone
And a young woman dying of thirst and hunger she's even too weak for to moan
And Mr Big and his wife and two children are having a great holiday
In a high class resort by the ocean six thousand for two weeks he pay.

Out there on the plains of Somalia in the searing heat of mid day
A young woman dying of thirst and hunger the life from her ebbing away
The vultures are circling above her and the flies of death buzzing around
And Mr Big in his ferrari to his company board meeting bound.

A poem

A young Somali brother wrote this poem. He's only in high school but based on his writing, he is wise beyond his years and more motivated than most adults to be a positive change agent in Somalia someday.

Apathy, A Pity

It seems the rain falls in sync with my emotional content
It’s not the dark clouds, the loud sounds, nor the branches bent
I don’t think about me, think about money, or waist time with superficiality
Because in my heart I’ll always see none other than the poor man’s reality
When Somalia’s name is mentioned on the news, on T.V., why must we turn a blind eye?
When there was once a time when our people needn’t cry, nor die
The time has arrived not to forget the past, rather to reconstruct it
Keeping in mind our potential, our future, please, don’t be reluctant
Somalia will someday, inshallah, become the greatest of nations
Home not just to us but to beige, blue and Asian
Because you see, discrimination is the purest form of hatred
And in your heart I hope lies only good, purity, and cupid
Go ahead, go to Starbucks, have a cup of coffee, chat
But the next time you spend that 5 dollars, just remember that-
The day Somalia rises is the day the Diaspora stand up
The day we raise our standards, give back, no hands up
You see we all want to help, we can claim we do, or claim we don’t
But keep in mind, the suffering extends beyond your family, your tribe, your old home
So instead of thinking about the problems, dreaming solutions, and clinging on to your apathy
Remember, you can make a difference, you can save a life, you can truly help.
I try, and I’m just six-teen

More Images from Dadaab Refugee Camp

As tragic as the situation in Dadaab is for the refugees, its painful to remember that the living conditions of those who were unable to escape Ogaden or Somalia are much worse. At least the refugees in Dadaab receive food rations, however insufficient they may be. And at least there is relative security in Dadaab, a peace that many Somalis have never seen in their homecountry. Dadaab still feels like an open-air prison, but at least food is served in prison.

Images from Dadaab

I'm posting images from my trip to Dadaab refugee camp in northern Kenya. It was very difficult for me to see the conditions of the refugees first-hand and hear their stories, but the experience was invaluable. It solidified my passion to do something positive in the Horn of Africa, to be a humanitarian in some capacity. I overcame my fear of inadequacy because I realized it doesn't take very much to make a difference in a place like Dadaab. Now I just have to figure out how I should help

Kibera slum

After living in Nairobi for nearly 2 months, I finally got a chance to visit Kibera. I was given a tour by Jeff and Musa, two young men who work with Children of Kibera.
The slums of Kibera are like no place I've seen before, and I don't think i'll ever forget it. The people who live there are Nairobi's poorest and most vulnerable people, living in extreme poverty. They create shacks from random scraps, and there is no water and sanitation. The muddy streets smell of garbage and sewage at every corner, and I saw toddlers playing atop mounds of garbage. There is a small stream that runs through the slum, but the water is dense and gray, and I shiver to think what could result if someone were to drink it.

After carefully walking with my guides through the narrow twisting mud paths (regretting that I wore sandals) we entered a gate and into a small courtyard. There were a few narrow buildings and we entered one of them. I found myself in front of a class of smiling primary school students in warm red sweaters. They began singing a song together, which turned into a name game. They went around the room pointing at each other as students sang their names, and finally the fingers were pointed at me and I said my name and where I came from. I also told them to keep up the hard work. What I wanted to tell them was that seeing them in a classroom, and not out in the muddy streets doing God knows what, made me feel comfort and hope for their futures.

I discovered that Children for Kibera, which funds the primary school i visited, does the kind of work that I hope to get involved with someday. This particular organization provides funding and support to three schools- two primary and one secondary. The amazing part is that the funding is mostly gathered in the US from elementary school students and other private donors. A Georgetown professor who himself grew up in Kibera does the fundraising. He also recuits American high school and college students to spend the summer teaching in the schools.

This strategy appears to be working, and it looks as though young people are the best advocates for their peers in Kibera slum. American elementary school students do all sorts of fundraisers and provide books and resources to the schools in Kibera. It astonishes me that these little kids comprehend the fact that they can make a difference in the lives of kids in Kenya. It takes a certain amount of sympathy mixed with optimism to make that happen, and it makes me regain some hope in America's culture and education system. These kids clearly know something me and many adults don't: that we can all make a difference. The pictures of some of these American kids were hanging in the office of the primary school I visited, near a shelf full of donated books.

There are 15 million people- according to Jeff- who live in this sprawling informal settlement. The Kenyan government completely ignores Kibera, as if it doesnt exist. Consequently there are no public schools or services provided to this impoversished population. I truly believe these such counter-intuitive policies are the reason slums like Kibera erupted during the post election violence in early 2008. Clearly the people of Kibera were looking for a regime change, and rightfully so.

The millions in this slum and in the slums around the world rely on good will combined with personal motivation to help them improve their lot. And I walk away from Kibera knowing I can make a difference and do something positive for them. Lets all do something positive, and learn from the example of the elementary school kids.

This is not to say we are all morally obligated to give so much of our time and money that we would ourselves be left with little- as Peter Singer proposed. But what we should do is look at the luxuries we enjoy each day, and ask whether that money may go further and be more meaningful if it were given to the millions of organizations like Children of Kibera that do great work for the world's poorest.

Dadaab Refugee Camp

Last week I went to Dadaab, Africa's largest refugee camp. Its predominately occupied by Somalis but has a minority of Ethiopian and Southern Sudanese refugees as well. It was a challenging and eye-opening experience.

The conditions in Dadaab are shocking poor. Just to give you background, the camp was designed to hold 90,000 refugees but currently holds nearly 300,000. Each refugee family upon arrival is given a plot of land and sometimes a tent, but often they are left to use scraps, sticks and random material to create a hut. The camp is full but cannot expand because the government of Kenya refuses to provide anymore land, primarily because of some vocal MPs- with an unusual level of influence- from the region.

The UNHCR essentially runs the camps, registering people and administering land and food rations. The refugees get enough food to stay alive, but not many nutrients in a diet of grains and corn. The people cant work to earn money because its against Kenyan law, nor can they move freely in the country. One woman I spoke to called it an open air prison, a reference that reminded me of how Palestinians describe Gaza.

The school system in the camp is so poor that their is almost no opportunity for advancement for young people. This leaves them spending most of their day hoping and praying to be resettled in a new country- preferable in Europe, the US or Canada. Like in most of the world, unfortunately, the women in the camps have it hardest. On top of the obvious struggles in the camp, they also suffer from domestic violence, rape and FGM.

What really affected me about this trip was the chance to see with my own eyes the conditions in the camps, and hear first-hand the stories of the refugees. Hear about their arduous journey to cross into Kenya, the loved ones they lost back home and the struggle they endure each day to keep their family alive and together. It was initially very depressing because as an ethnic Somali, I saw myself in the refugees. It could just as easily have been me sitting there, recounting my harsh life to a disconnected westerner. I also saw people who could have been my family lying on floor mattresses in makeshift huts. Life suddenly became more tenuous. The people of Dadaab have beautiful faces, but when I looked into their eyes, I saw a glossed-over, depressed gaze. I saw a plea for help, and I knew I couldn't just walk away from the camp and do nothing.

Although most of what I saw was depressing, I was also surprisingly inspired. One woman named Muraya, a member of the Women Together organization, told me that as refugees, they know education is the key to escape Dadaab. She told be about the schools in the camp- how the classes are overcrowded with students who want to learn, but how the teachers often have no more than a primary school education. She told me the story of how she and a group of refugees were so upset about the lack of secondary schools in the camp, that they put together what little resources they had and created a new secondary school with an all-volunteer staff. This was inspiring, and i realized that I had no right to feel hopelessness for the refugees if they themselves had hope enough to work for their children's futures. They saw their fate as God's will, but also prayed to God for a better future for their families.

I was also inspired by the humanitarian aid workers who are living in Dadaab, with credentials that could have given them a cozy job and life in any western nation. Instead they chose to work in this desert location, providing training, working in hospitals, registering refugees or creating stoves for the women to use. I was impressed by the work done by Care, GTZ, Norwegian Refugee Council and International Rescue Committee, so much so that I want to come back someday and work with one of them. They do what they can, given the circumstances and their limited resources.

Seeing Dadaab also shed light on the reality of life in Somalia. I haven't seen the country since I was a young child, but I hear stories about it. I know about how peaceful and prosperous it once was. But going to Dadaab, and seeing that people would rather live in the horrible camp conditions rather than return to their homeland, made me realize just how dire the situation is back in Somalia. Many refugees told me of their desire to return home and get back to working for their families, but they all fear violence. I hope and pray that someday soon the refugees in Dadaab will be able to leave the camp and return home. They also await that day, but having seen Somalia recently, they seem less optimistic about how soon that day will come.

The case of the missing Somali-American boys

Its not surprising that a handful of Somali-American boys went missing, and have since turned up fighting in Somalia. Unfortunately these boys, in their search for identity and a cause, were pulled into a distant conflict. An event as huge as the Ethiopian occupation was necessary to mobilize a handful of them to leave the relative comfort of the US to defend, as they saw it, their country and culture.

Many non-Somalis do not realize the anger and sense of tragedy that haunted Somalis, in the country and in the diaspora, when Ethiopian troops entered the country in late 2006, and didn't leave until early 2009. The subsequent widespread destruction and chaos politicized many Somalis, but only these few boys felt compelled enough to go to the war torn country and fight. Shabaab, as radical and undesirable as they were and are, was the only force fighting the Ethiopian troops, and so the young boys saw it as a natural militia to join.

The boys were not fighting for Shabbab, they were fighting against Ethiopian occupation. Hence no boys have gone missing since the Ethiopian troop withdrawal from Somalia. It shouldn't surprise anyone that occupation can created the anger and emotions necessary for an insurgency. And because of the interconnectedness of the Somali diaspora to the mainland, it doesn't surprise me that this emotion and movement reached people in distant places. These Somali's were not the first or last Americans to go fight in their country of origin. At this point I'm just praying these boys get a fair trail.

Ken Menkhaus of Davidson College described the situation well:

"First, recruitment of Somali-Americans into the Shabaab is very recent, correlated with politics in Somalia since 2006, not with Al Qaeda’s 9/11 attacks and the subsequent war on terror. The agenda which appears to have initially inspired Somali recruits into joining Shabaab was primarily about Somalia, not global jihadism.

For many Somalis, Al Shabaab was an entirely justifiable liberation movement against Ethiopian occupation, not a terrorist group.
Second, it is important to recall that the Shabaab was not designated a terrorist organization by the U.S. government until March 2008, by which time many of the Somali-Americans in question had already been recruited into the movement. For many Somalis, Shabaab was an entirely justifiable liberation movement against Ethiopian occupation, not a terrorist group.

In addition, the recruitment of Somali-Americans into Shabaab is a reflection of the “diasporization” of Somalia. Roughly one million Somalis, about 15 percent of the total population, now live abroad. The diaspora plays a leading role in every aspect of Somali life. Most leaders of the Transitional Federal Government in Somalia hold citizenship abroad, as do many of the top Islamist opposition figures, business people and civic leaders."

Menkhaus is a legitimate scholar of Somali issues, almost as insightful as ethnic Somali scholars like Abdi Ismail Samatar of the University of Minnesota. Others who have chimed in on the issue, such as Thomas Sanderson of CSIS and Bruce Hoffman of Georgetown University, have proven completely ignorant of the reasons for the boys' disappearances.

See NYT article: http://roomfordebate.blogs.nytimes.com/2009/07/13/ways-to-detect-jihadist-threats/

Pundits like them simply don't get Somali people or politics. Their narrow-minded jihad-talk is dangerous and anti-intellectual, reminiscent of Bush-era rhetoric. After years of failed Somalia policies- no one suffering more than the Somali people themselves- its time to move towards a more nuanced and complex understandings of the issues.

Somalia faces a highly complex conflict which requires mastery of the culture, traditions, history and contemporary condition of the country to even begin to grasp whats happening. Its depressing to see how few real scholars of Somali affairs are out there, especially when they are so desperately needed.

Best policy option for Somali peace

As much as I want to start writing about ideas and potential for economic development in Somalia, I can't. Not when the country is engulfed in war and a humanitarian crisis. All I can think about is the need for basic necessities- like food, water and shelter- regardless of how the provision of these goods harms long term development goals.

The political situation is simply frustrating, and as an American i'm further frustrated by our governments inability to comprehend that funding one side of the conflict simply fuels the conflict. Guns cannot end this battle. Rather what is needed is mediation and compromise on all sides.

The best policy option for the US and other nations to do at this time, if they truly seek a stable and safe Somalia, is to help improve the livelihood of the population. By improving the standard of living, young boys wont turn to piracy and insurgency. By showing people tangible ways in which the internationally backed government improved their lives, the government will gradually gain legitimacy and support.

But beyond the government, the international community can work with any local legitimate entities to help them provide for the population. The world should not approach Somalia as a project in state-building or they will fail. They must focus on peace-building. An important way to foster peace is to create opportunities and livelihoods for the population so that people are not driven to criminal or insurgent activity. Whether or not a central government exists, there can be investment in education, economic development and improving livelihoods.

The country may not be a democracy, but the Somali people have a strong voice in determining who they allow to govern them. (Hence the fourteen failed warlord-led attempts at establishing a government) Somalis are tired of conflict and are desperate for peace. The next leadership to provide them with peace and positively impact their lives will be rewarded with supporters. The US and international community must play a role to help foster that peace so as to salvage their image, an image greatly harmed by support for the brutal Ethiopian occupation.

Now is the time to foster peace not fuel war.

Eastleigh- a window into Somalia's potential economic power

Eastleigh is a bustling commercial center in Nairobi, but walking through it you'd think it was a city in Somalia.

The residents, shop owners and visitors to Eastleigh are predominantly ethnic Somalis- some from Kenya and others refugees from Somalia. No where in Nairobi can you find such a concentration of commercial enterprises. Kenyan's travel there from the countryside because its "the best shopping in town," with amazing prices on all sorts of goods- from flat screen tv's to a diverse array of clothing. Money is constantly changing hands, men are pushing past with boxes full of products, cars along the road move at a snails pace, women call you into their stores, and you dont know which way to turn next or what shop to look into. You could spend an afternoon just exploring one mall- Garissa lodge, Amal, Bangkok, Hongkong, Baraka- or you could avoid the indoor malls altogether and shop along the roads. I've been to Eastleigh four times since arriving in Nairobi and everytime I leave with many more bags of goods than I intended to purchase.

For me, walking through the streets of Eastleigh has a personal significance. I'm Somali-American but have never seen the country so visiting this somali enclave is a sort of homecoming, a place where I am surrounded by the somali culture and language, and a people who looked like me! But it can also be alienating. Never have I felt so un-Somali as when I am surrounded by Somalis in Eastleigh. They know almost immediately that I came from abroad- perhaps by the way I dressed- although I thought I would fit in. If not by my appearance, my poor Somali language skills made my foreign-ness certain.

Once, while getting lunch with two friends in the heart of Eastleigh, I suddenly felt a burst of confidence in my language skills and decided to test it. "Walaal" I called the waiter, "I'd like the rice and fish." He began writing, then turned to me and asked "which type of fish?" At this point I began mumbling in broken somali, not sure what the different types were called. He soon realized that I was struggling with the language. "Oh no", he began to lecture, "you forgot your mother tongue? Where are you from". I said Virginia, feeling a new sense of comfort in my Virginian identity, as if it gave me an excuse, or perhaps it simply was a more accurate description of who I am. He went on with several reasons why its important to keep your mother tongue, with the oddest reason being that I can "make a lot more money knowing Somali." That's questionable, but he was right about one thing. Its pretty embarrassing not knowing the language well.

Aside from my personal discoveries in Eastleigh, it provides great insight into the potential Somalis have as businesspeople. Right now the economic power of Somalis is enjoyed by Dubai, Nairobi and other cities around the world, but these same businesses are on stand by, waiting for the chance to invest back in their homeland.

As soon as peace returns to Somalia, commerce will naturally follow, and I predict many will be in awe of how rapidly the economy grows into a powerhouse in East Africa.

Pirates as a symptom of a larger disease

Piracy has brought international attention to Somalia, more than the humanitarian crisis that has existed for years. I dont want to diminish the serious threat it poses to intenrational economic stability, but the piracy issue is being approached backwards.

Pundits and "professionals" of all stripes are claiming piracy must be stopped, but few people care to look on land- where the "pirates" live- to figure out why they do what they do. Rampant piracy is a new development off the coast of Somalia, growing as an industry alongside the degrading political and socio-economic conditions on the mainland. Piracy is a symptom of the greater problems facing Somalia- instability, impunity, poverty, and the greater humanitarian catastrophe that has existed for years now. Trying to fight poverty is important, but if you are trying to end piracy, that requires a lot more time and committment to foster good governance, stability and economic growth in Somalia.

The young boys who become pirates do so out of desperation. They risk their lives to make money, the only way they know how. The desperate economic condition in somalia has made piracy the only viable option for many families. Meanwhile, the extremely weak government can do little to curtail this growing crime because it has little to no control over the population. My recommendation to anyone interested in stoping piracy is to focus on creating conditions on the mainland that will not necessitate or create pirates. Invest in social and economic development intiatives and support good governance.

The world- and international media- seems to ignore the tragic conditions faced by Somalis today. It seems time and again that no one wants to look at the root causes of a problem but rather put a cheap bandaid on it. Unfortunately for Somalis, that cheap bandaid means they will continue to suffer in the dark unless the world's policymakers realize that the fight against piracy is a fight for a better Somalia.

Genetically Modified Food or food shortages?

There is a huge debate surrounding genetically modified foods. The question I'm trying to figure out is whether Somalia- and other developing countries- should begin exploring GMO technology as a possible solution to food insecurity?

Its pretty clear that biotechnology can boost agricultural productivity, which is a great plus. Based on the reasearch I've done, the safety concerns some environmentalists and anti-GMO proponents have is largely based on fear and misperceptions. People in developing countries have caught on to this fear- largely eminating from Europe- and now are afraid of becoming testing grounds for what they perceived to be untested dangerous technology. The reality is this technology is tested, and is already widely in use in the US and Latin America for example, so health risks is not my main concern.

My primary hesitation is that the use of GMO seeds can cause dependency, which means farmers will be relying on the price fluctuations and other whims of foreign multinational companies. That can prove dangerous, and what developing countries need is not only food security, but national security. The ability to have some level of control over the food supply in their nation.

If GM products can be developed locally, I believe there is little reason to resist them. But as long as the seeds are engineered to create dependency, then perhaps its not the best route for emerging economies.

Food Security

Food Security in Somalia is a difficult subject. The main obstacle to tackling hunger is clearly the lack of peace and stability in much of the country, and the failure to establish a government that can carry out polices to provide immediate food security and build long-term safety-nets. Nevertheless, I'll touch on some policies that can and should be considered for immediate use or expansion.


1- Food Aid is needed to address the current hunger and malnutrition in the country. The World Food Programme has been providing emergency food aid around the world for decades, including in Somalia. They have faced some challenges with the uptick in piracy off the coast, and increased danger to the well being of WFP employees inside the country. Although it is a helpful emergency tool, food aid is fundamentally a short term policy and far from a solution to Somalia's hunger issues.

2- Local procurement of food aid appears to resolve the major flaw in imported food aid. By buying food aid locally, the WFP and other organizations can support the local agricultural market, rather than harming it. The problem with this (aside from creating a monopoly buyer) is that it is politically infeasible in Washington- the USDA provides most of the WFP's food aid from subsidized American farmers, and ships it over on American shipping vessels. The Farm lobby is powerful and wont allow food aid to be purchased from anywhere but the USA, which is why the WFP still has very limited local procurement. It is expanding, however, with the creation of Purchase for Progress. This is possible partly because European countries are providing cash rather than food to the WFP.

4- School feeding is a great strategy used by the WFP that provides schools with food aid so that they can give students a meal. This provides an incentive for kids to come to school, and has an especially high success rate in increasing the number of girls who come to schools. This strategy is a great tool to use in Somalia, and hopefully the WFP can expand into the country soon. The only weakness in this program is that developmental disabilities occur in hungry children primarily in their pre-school years, and by the time they are old enough for school the damage is done. Nevertheless this is a valuable tool.

3- Cash transfer and voucher programs are provided by the World Bank and other organizations to provide people in food insecure countries with access to food. In Latin America, these programs have high success rates and are being expanded. This could be a great resource for Somalia by providing poor people with the purchasing power they need to access food and other essentials. The problem is that it is hard to implement the program in Somalia today because of the lack of a functioning government and instability.

4- Agricultural development and investment is critical to resolving food insecurity in Somalia. Food aid, and to a lesser extent local procurement, cash transfers and school feeding, all have the potential to disrupt local markets and weaken local agricultural producers. Agriculture is a critical component of development and food security globally because it is important for food availability, but also because the poorest (and most food-insecure) people often work in agriculture.

My advice to those interested in improving food security in Somalia- support and invest in agricultural production.

Purpose of this Blog

I've been following the situation in Somalia for years and am consistently depressed by developments in the country. I decided to create this blog so that I can express my opinions and ideas on how to create positive change.

Somalia has tremendous potential, it only needs to establish the conditions under which this potential can be realized. In order for the troubles to be overcome, there needs to be more discussion and deliberation on the challenges facing the country, and the development of effective policy solutions.

Hopefully this blog can support this essential dialogue!